1 edition of The new despotism found in the catalog.
|LC Classifications||JK1533 .S7|
|The Physical Object|
|LC Control Number||12035345|
Nor is there anything strange in the intensification of equalitarianism in such an age as ours, for, on the evidence of the history of social movements, powerful agitation in behalf of some social or moral value comes only when the surrounding social order can be seen to reflect that value in at least some degree, commonly only recently accomplished. There is nothing paradoxical in the fondness of equalitarians for centralized power, the kind that the military best evidences, and the fondness of centralizers for equality. I do not think many people would argue seriously that the extent of individual privacy today is even close to what it was a few decades ago. Rare today are the brutality, torture, and terror which were so manifest in the Age of Stalin. The story of Croesus of Lydia exemplifies this.
Tocqueville yielded to no one in his appreciation of equality before the law. A social order that could, in its lower classes, find diversion in the frequent spectacle of bloody, knock-down, eye-gouging, nose- or ear-mutilating fights—among women as well as men, we read of the English 18th century—would not be likely to react as we do to the torturing, flogging, and hanging of miscreants. Ongoing experience with certain programs of equalitarianism—affirmative action, mandatory busing to achieve ethnic quotas, open admissions, among others—certainly suggests this. The book and the Donoughmore Report provoked a group of socialist lawyers and political scientists, notably Professor Harold Laski a member of the Donoughmore Committee [ a Jew, communist subversive and liar - Editor ] and Sir William Ivor Jennings [ an ugly Trotskyist - Editor ] to criticise the Diceyan concept of the rule of law. Even in a society in which women had access to all the same educational and professional opportunities as men—a society that had never existed when they were writing and is today only partially realized—women would still fall behind, they said.
These are the real measure of the degree to which central political power is limited in a society. Our best hope, he concludes, is to delegate more power to impartial experts, insulated from the democratic fray. This would be brought about, initially, by communities of mutual association, voluntary and democratically-governed settlements in which the fruits of all labor would be distributed to laborers think: early kibbutzes. It will strike some readers as surprising that an Indian-born author should have such harsh words to say about his own country's democracy and such kind words to say about the benign despotism of Lee Kuan Yew in Singapore, to say nothing of Gen. Many poor countries that democratized prematurely in the era of decolonization, the argument goes, ended up lapsing into dictatorship and deeper poverty.
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It is absolute, detailed, regular, far-seeing, and mild. Radical in its time, classical Utilitarianism is today dismissed as conservative—indifferent to the oppressed, too accepting of the status quo.
They are the visible organs of government to this day, the objects of constant reporting in the media. Yet a surprisingly short time separates us from ancestors who not only could stand it, but who solemnly regarded such spectacles, along with public hangings and floggings, as indispensable to the maintenance of order.
Another difference Aristotle espoused was based on climates. Omitting only the Middle Ages—and even then the idea of the centralized state remained vivid to those acquainted with Greek and Latin—the Western structure of political power has been a process of almost permanent revolution against the social groups and authorities which lay intermediate between individual and state.
This is true not only of equality of opportunity and legal equality, each of which became a burning issue by the early 19th century, but of the more generalized equality of economic, political, and social condition.
Just as the word Byzantine is often used in a pejorative way, so the word despot now has equally negative connotations.
Say what one will of the unique power of the state and of its ail-too familiar capacity for extending this power bureaucratically into the lives of countless human beings, creating coercions and invasions of autonomy all the way, the fact remains that the central power of the state has also been associated with some resplendent gains in liberty and welfare.
Surveillance capitalists have grown immensely wealthy from these trading operations, for many companies are willing to lay bets on our future behavior. In his will, Thompson left a one-hundred-pound annuity to Wheeler and the rest of his estate, worth between fifteen and sixteen thousand pounds, to the Co-operativist movement.
Hence, fear could not be said to be its motivating force, but rather the servile nature of those enslaved, which would feed upon the power of the despot master.
He was drawn in his sacerdotal robes of silk and gold, after the loose flowing fashion of the Medes and Phoenicians; his head was covered with a lofty tiara, his numerous collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of an inestimable value. Leading up to Alexander's expansion into Asia, most Greeks were repelled by the Oriental notion of a sun-kingand the divine law that Oriental societies accepted.
I maintain that we have good reason to fear that the business model of commercial surveillance — pioneered by Google and adopted by Facebook, among others — is serving to undermine the foundations of our democracy.
I refer to the long succession of philosophers and intellectuals from Greek and Roman times to our own who have made the political state the temple, so to speak, of their devotion.
We find him trying to put his finger on something which does not yet exist, but which — in his extraordinary political imagination — he was able to foresee with startling clarity. The Russian and Chinese governments are scrupulous in their attention to this kind of mass freedom, for there is nothing to worry about in the way of consequences.
What distinguishes us as human beings is that our umwelt is not fixed, immobile, rigid, or static. Its effectiveness lies, as I say, in part through liaison with humanitarian rather than nakedly exploitative objectives but also, and perhaps most significantly, in its capacity to deal with the human will rather than with mere human actions.
The political state can be seen to be a temple in Rousseau quite as much as the church is a temple in Augustine.
They are led insensibly, and perhaps against their will, daily to give up fresh portions of their individual independence to the government, and those same men who from time to time have upset a throne and trampled kings beneath their feet bend without resistance to the slightest wishes of some clerk.
While one cannot share his or her umwelt — each of us remains in our own soap-bubble, as it were — we can participate in a common umwelt, which in many ways is purportedly the stated goal of social media. Once, in almost all nations of the world, such torture and execution, far from being in any degree concealed, would have been flaunted before the public.
The movement flourished for a few decades in England, France, and above all in America, where the reform-minded greeted Owen with enormous enthusiasm and Owenite communes were founded all across the country, from New York to California.
Not only in radical ideology, but in large sectors of education, psychology, literature, philosophy, and the social sciences, his distinctive blend of worship of self and of power conceived as community is all too apparent.
In this respect it resembles some of the religious ideals or passions which offer, just by virtue of the impossibility of ever giving them adequate representation in the actual world, almost unlimited potentialities for continuous onslaught against institutions.
But on the other hand there is no reason why a considerable degree of individual freedom cannot exist with respect to such matters as sexual conduct, speech, writing, and religious belief without serious impact upon the structure of political power.Despotism (Greek: Δεσποτισμός, despotismós) is a form of government in which a single entity rules with absolute power.
Normally, that entity is an individual, the despot, as in an autocracy, but societies which limit respect and power to specific groups have also been called despotic.
Colloquially, the word despot applies pejoratively to those who use their power and authority to. Book/Printed Material The despotism of freedom; or, The tyranny and cruelty of American Republican slave-masters, shown to be the worst in the world; in a speech, delivered at the first anniversary of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, Aug 01, · The New Despotism.
By Lord Hewart of Bury, Lord Chief Justice of England. (New York: The Cosmopolitan Book Corporation. Pp. ) - Administrative Law. By Frederick John Port. With a Foreword by Right HonourableLord Justice Sankey.
(New York: Longmans, Green and Co Pp.
xxii, ) - Volume 24 Issue 1 - John DickinsonAuthor: John Dickinson. Note: Citations are based on reference standards. However, formatting rules can vary widely between applications and fields of interest or study. The specific requirements or preferences of your reviewing publisher, classroom teacher, institution or organization should be applied.
THE NEW DESPOTISM. a book of quite exceptional importance, is, in effect, the sequel to that speech. Every citizen of this country,from theleast to the greatest, is directly and personally concerned with the encroachments of bureaucracy on public life Very few laymen are aware of the wide difference which exists between the rights of these.
This book provides an original view of Russian and Asian history that views both in a global perspective. Via this analysis, Alessandro Stanziani opens new dimensions in the study of state formation, the global slave trade, warfare and European and Asian growth.
After Oriental Despotism questions conventional oppositions between Europe and Asia.